By - Edel Bhreathnach.
The
undisputed evidence of medieval Irish sources, dating
from circa AD 600 onwards, ranks Tara as the ceremonial
and mythical capital of Ireland. The place name Temair
suggests that this was a significant prehistoric
sanctuary or cult centre, a status manifest from the
large-scale monuments on the hill (Mac Giolla Easpaig,
forthcoming). It is possible even that the name Temair
was coined to describe the large hengiform enclosure
(known today as Ráith na Ríg) of Iron Age
date which encircles the brow of the hill. Excavations
conducted in the 1950s and again in 1997 revealed an
extensive rock-cut ditch (Roche 2002) which was likely to
have delineated the Iron Age temenos 'temple, sanctuary'
constructed for ritual purposes and which also enclosed
earlier Neolithic and Bronze Age burials. Tara was the
ceremonial seat of a distinctive kingship, which was
accorded a pre-eminent position among the provincial and
local kingships of Ireland. Contrary to popular belief,
Tara was not the residence of the high-king of Ireland.
The kingship of Tara was a prehistoric sacral kingship,
not a territorial kingship, the focus of which at Tara
was perceived to be the equivalent of axis mundi 'the
centre of the world'. In prehistoric and early historic
Ireland, the king of Tara was regarded as the king of the
world and, therefore, a link between humankind and the
otherworld. The ceremony known as Feis Temro 'The Feast
of Tara', probably last held in the mid-sixth century AD,
was a sacral feast celebrated by the king of Tara.
Similar sacral kingships have been identified in many
cultures and their capitals recognised as locations of
special significance (Doherty, forthcoming).The vital role of the kingship of Tara in the prehistoric and early medieval polity of Ireland is reflected in its central position in the construction of a national history by the medieval learned class. Even though the prehistoric sacral kingship declined with the advent of Christianity particularly from the seventh century onwards, lists of the kings of Tara were compiled and used as the core constituent of the history of major dynasties and of the island itself. Medieval Irish kings continued to use the title rí Temro 'king of Tara' until the eleventh century and the learned class successfully promoted the concept of Tara as a royal capital inhabited by a supreme king. Throughout the medieval and early modern period, Tara was considered as an inspiring location from which to launch military campaigns: incidents occurred there during the reign of Brian Bóruma, the O'Neill campaigns in the sixteenth century and the 1641 rebellion. Its perceived position as the spiritual capital of nationalist Ireland led to events there such as the skirmish in 1798 and Daniel O'Connell's monster meeting there in 1843.
In early Irish literature and saints' lives Tara features prominently as the seat of heroic kings, the nexus between this world and the otherworld, and, because of its clear non-Christian associations, a site likely to gain the opprobrium of important saints. As is widely known, Tara was the scene of the heroic feats of great mythical kings and heroes, including Conn Cétchathach, Cormac mac Airt, Finn mac Cumaill and Niall Noígiallach. Although probably dedicated as a shrine to a sacral kingship and not to any specific deity, its association with kingship ensured that all the Irish pre-Christian pantheon, and especially those gods and goddesses linked to the cult of sovereignty, were depicted as frequent visitors to Tara. These include the god Lug and the goddesses Eithne and Medb, the latter whose name survives in the name of Rath Maeve, a henge to the south of the Hill of Tara (Carey, forthcoming). Inevitably the authors of the Life of Patrick ensured that the climax of the saint's mission to Ireland was his defeat of the druids at the king of Tara's court. The seventh-century author of one of the lives of Patrick, Muirchú moccu Mactheni in his dramatic account of this clash refers obliquely to many traditions associated with the kingship of Tara including the protocols relating to the lighting of fires at Tara and in its hinterland and the progress of the king of Tara around the site and in the kingdom of Brega (Bieler 1979, I 15 (3), (6), I 16(2)). Patrick does not mention Tara or this dramatic clash in his own Confession and there is no means of verifying the tale. However, the crux of the episode in the later lives is that Christian missionaries recognised the vital significance of Tara to existing beliefs in Ireland. They seem to have appropriated the acceptable elements (truth, justice, peace) of its exceptional kingship into a Christian kingship, to have coined a new title rí Érenn 'king of Ireland', and to have caused the abandonment of the Tara the scene of a prehistoric ceremony from the seventh century onwards. The decline of the site as a cult centre is probably reflected in the episode in the Life of St Rúadán of Lorrha (Co. Tipperary) in which he cursed Tara and its king, Diarmait mac Cerbaill (Plummer 1910 (II), 245-9; 1922 (I), 88-90).
Despite its apparent abandonment in the early medieval period, Tara remained caput Scottorum 'capital of the Irish' in literature and propaganda. This perception is best reflected in the corpus of topographical poems and prose composed at intervals between the eighth and twelfth centuries and known as Dindshenchas Érenn 'The place lore of Ireland' (Gwynn 1903 (I)). The corpus describes all the prominent manmade and natural features in Ireland. Tara is the first and foremost of all places with a series of poems and prose texts describing the monuments on the hill and in the surrounding landscape. One of the earliest examples of a dindshenchas poem, likely to date to the eighth or ninth century, possibly describes the abandoned Iron Age hengiform enclosure and rock-cut ditch in metaphorical terms (O Daly 1960). Sometime circa AD 1000, a local author composed a prose text Dindgnai Temrach 'The remarkable places of Tara', the equivalent of a medieval guided tour of the hill listing its visible monuments and the origin of their names (Bhreathnach 2003). All subsequent descriptions of the hill and the current names given to its monuments owe their origin to this medieval work, which was identified as important and used extensively by the great scholar John O'Donovan when he surveyed Tara in 1836.
Tara is not a hill that stands alone in County Meath without connection to its surrounding countryside. A common and universal mistake in the presentation of Tara in official and popular literature is to regard Tara as consisting simply of the monuments on the ridge in the town lands of Castleboy and Castletown Tara. In a manner similar to the Boyne Valley complex, Rathcroghan, Co. Roscommon and Navan Fort, Co. Armagh, in archaeological terms Tara was the focal point of an extended landscape. The intimate association between the hill and a wider area is clearly expressed in medieval sources. On a regional level, Tara was in the medieval kingdom of Brega, a region that extended from the River Dee to the River Liffey and eastwards to the coast. It was the foremost kingdom in medieval Ireland, and indeed, it seems imperative to register clearly in the context of the construction of a road corridor from Dunshaughlin to Kells, that this motorway is about to plough through the heartland of Brega and to encounter the immediate hinterland of all significant sites of the kingdom: Dunshaughlin, Lagore, Trevet, Tara, Skryne, Navan, Teltown, Phoenixtown, Oristown, Emlagh and Kells. At a more local level Tara was the centre of a ferann ríg 'royal demesne', generally approximating in modern terms to the Barony of Skryne. In the ninth-century tale Togail Bruidne Da Derga, when the heroic king Conaire Mór progressed from Dublin to Tara to claim the kingship of Tara, there were three kings on every roadway entering Tara awaiting him. Each king held a garment for him. When he reached Tara he was dressed and put into a chariot (Knott 1936, 5(14)). This description ties in with the inauguration of heroic kings worldwide, including those described in biblical scenes. Its depiction of the landscape in which this ceremony took place, a view corroborated by other medieval Irish sources, is that there were certain physical imprints on the landscape that were associated with the various elements of the inauguration rite. If one examines the concept of the ferann ríg of the kings of Tara in the medieval sources, it is clear that the hills of Tara and Skryne were part of one landscape. The theme of the text Do Suidigiud Thellaich Themra 'The settlement of the demesne of Tara' (Best 1910) relates how during the reign of the sixth-century king Diarmait mac Cerbaill the nobles of Ireland were dissatisfied with the extent of the royal demesne of Tara. 'They regarded as too great the land of the demesne of Tara, namely, there were seven views on every side'. Since this extensive area was subject to royal tribute, the nobles were overburdened with obligations to the king of Tara and sought to remedy this difficulty by reducing the size of the demesne. It is likely that the text was composed around AD 1000 and that it contains a contemporary message directed at the Clann Cholmáin kings of Tara. The royal demesne of Tara was fiercely defended in the tenth and eleventh centuries by Clann Cholmán (the descendants of Colmán), later known as the Uí Máel Sechnaill (O'Melaghlins), from incursion by Norse kings of Dublin and their local allies (Bhreathnach 1996, 1999). Máel Sechnaill mac Domnaill, king of Tara (d. 1022), was so closely associated with Tara that poets who practised their craft during his reign constantly evoked the bond between the king and Tara as a theme is their poetry. Máel Sechnaill fought the battle of Tara in 980 against Amlaíb Cúarán, Norse king of Dublin, for dominance of Brega and especially of his ferann ríg around Tara. Amlaíb had encroached on Máel Sechnaill's territory and seems to have deliberately endowed a church dedicated to St Columba at Skryne as a defiant act in the heart of royal mensal lands. The dedication to Columba was also provocative for other reasons: Clann Cholmáin were linked to that saint's monastery at Kells (Herbert 1988, 87) and, more significantly in the context of Tara, it was in direct opposition - metaphorically and physically - to the dedication of a church to St Patrick at Tara. This perceived conflict between the two hills is expressed in a poem on Skryne composed for Amlaíb by Cináed úa hArtacáin, a poet from among his local allies. The poem opens with the line Achall ar aicce Temair 'Achall (an alternative name for Skryne) opposite Temair'. This is the best expression, through medieval eyes, of the relationship between the two hills: they were part of the same royal landscape. Although not as prominent nationally as Tara, nonetheless Skryne was an important prehistoric and medieval site. The medieval poem lists prehistoric burials (likely to be Bronze Age barrows) dotted on the hill. It became the caput of the manor of the Anglo-Norman de Feipo family from the twelfth century onwards, the evidence for which lies in and around Skryne Castle and which was so carefully documented by the late Elizabeth Hickey in her book Skryne and the early Normans.
The historical and literary sources alone (without ever referring to the archaeological evidence) are unequivocal in presenting this landscape as one of prime cultural sensitivity which embodies the very essence of the Irish nation. The Discovery Programme's research has proven that this landscape is an excellent example of the theoretical model of a ceremonial complex (Newman 1997, 225-242; Newman and Fenwick 2002). This is a landscape that requires to be managed to the highest standard and with the utmost comprehension of its significance. Any invasive intrusion (namely, excavation) or surveying in this landscape must be undertaken only as a result of a carefully constructed research plan with the aim of seeking to answer specific questions. Given the progress that has been made in understanding Tara in the past decade, one would have expected that professional archaeologists - whose interest is surely in their subject and not solely in material profit or career advancement - to clamour for the maintenance of a research-led approach to the site and its hinterland. Archaeology undertaken as part of the construction of a motorway, no matter what precautions are taken or how many assurances might be given about the adequacy of the process, is not appropriate to this type of landscape. Indeed it seems ironic that one of the flagships of recent State-funded research in Irish archaeology, the Tara Project in the Discovery Programme, is being disregarded by state authorities and the archaeological fraternity itself in the face of rapacious development. No doubt this latest chapter in the history of Tara will provide fertile ground for analysis by future historians!
Over a hundred years ago a group known as the British-Israelites caused considerable damage to some of the monuments on the Hill of Tara in their search for the Ark of the Covenant (Carew 2003). Prominent cultural nationalists of the time waged a public campaign against them in an effort to prevent their 'explorations'. Writing to The Times on 27th June 1902, Douglas Hyde, George Moore and William Butler Yeats declared "Tara is, because of its associations, probably the most consecrated spot in Ireland, and its destruction will leave many bitter memories behind it." Their words as are apt today as when they were written. The memories of an irreversible change to the landscape of Tara - in an era when archaeologists and historians can inform society of its past much more scientifically than they could in 1902 - are likely to be all the more bitter and full of remorse, when it will be realised by future generations that this deed was done as part of the progress of the Irish nation. Perhaps in thirty years time when world oil reserves have depleted and our car-orientated culture is becoming obsolete we will regret that we sacrificed a very special countryside for a large white elephant!
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